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Dacă citiți articolul, vedeți că presa liberă (ori, jurnalistul liber) are grijă să ne informeze că era a lu’ Malaxa (noroc că nu ne spune că NM a ridicat-o cu mâinile lui; cu „banii lui” e suficient de impresionant!).

Apoi … sare jurnalistul direct la … realizările de DUPĂ 1945! Or fi distrus „comuniștii” („evaporați” în ’89 peste noapte!) arhivele marilor realizări ale uzinei oltene a lui NM, de n-a găsit bietul jurnalist nimic de zis despre activitatea sa! Cine-o mai ști ?!

Și niciun cuvânt despre … propuneri de nerefuzat … de Sus. Poate n-a fost cazul (nici aici). Da’ n-ar fi trebuit să vă gândiți că, poate, democrația de piață liberă se clădește pe furt și alte oportunități (mai ales dacă ești sărac, cu bube-n cap și fără „pedigri” ?

Ce circ! De ce nu ne spune jurnalistul liber despre d-l Malaxa ? Fiindcă n-a găsit nimic peste ce ne povestește Wikipedia ? Malaxa n-o fi apucat să scrie nimic despre performanțele industriei „sale” ?

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_Malaxa

CIA îl onorează cu titlul „financial shark” (și presa liberă nu-l apără!), dar eu vă pun doar o frază:

„According to Time, Malaxa “parlayed a shoestring into a chain of arms factories and a partnership in Rumania’s largest iron works”.[9] By the end of the 1930s, the Malaxa factories were mass-producing steam locomotives, diesel locomotives, trainsets, rolling stock, steel pipes, and were one of the biggest industrial groups in Southeastern Europe, and the main provider of equipment for the Romanian Railways during the period. In several of his locomotive designs, Malaxa used innovative solutions (in locomotive design — those developed in by George Constantinescu on the basis of his theory of sonics; in factory design — in collaboration with Horia Creangă).[10] Owning much of Romania’s steel industry through his strong presence in Reşiţa,[11] he was chairman of the Ford Motor Company’s Romanian section, and arguably the richest man in Romania at the time.[12]”

Deci ar fi avut ce ne spune jurnalistul … De ce nu o face ? Probabil de asta:

„Malaxa was close to the authoritarian King Carol II. Together with Aristide Blank and Max Auschnitt, he was one of the major businessmen present in the king’s camarilla (see National Renaissance Front);[9][13][14][15] such political connections also implied that his success was partly ensured by preferential deals agreed with the state, and in some cases by the placement of inferior products on a captive market.[16] According to Pandrea, Malaxa had made a habit of manipulating state officials into granting him preferential credits, which explained his interest in supporting Carol’s moves.[8] Reportedly, Malaxa and his wife were especially close to the king’s mistress, Elena Lupescu, and even became related through marriage (after Lupescu’s nephew, an engineer, married the niece of Malaxa’s wife).[14]

Around 1939, Carol’s son Michael was rumored to be in a relationship with Lulu Malaxa (Nicolae’s daughter).[13][17] Petre Pandrea also alleged that, soon after turning 17, the virgin Lulu had been raped by Carol on board his Luceafărul yacht — before her father decided to intervene, remove her from the circle of friends, and send her to study in Paris.[14] Pandrea also claimed that this was the origin of the notorious conflict between the engineer and Auschnitt, alleging that the latter’s wife, was Carol’s third mistress and resented Lulu’s apparent success.[8] He also claimed that Elena Lupescu was cheating on the king with his secretary Ernest Urdăreanu, who was also an important figure of the camarilla and who kept close contacts with the Malaxas.[8]

Unlike most other large industries in the country, Malaxa’s was not tied to British, French or Czechoslovak interests.[11] Instead, Nicolae Malaxa maintained business links with Nazi Germany as early as 1935.[11] At a time when Nazi Germany was gaining more influence in Romania, Nicolae Malaxa collaborated with Hermann Göring in confiscating the assets of the Jewish Auschnitt (who had been arrested and prosecuted on false charges in September 1939),[18] and subsequently placed his industrial empire in the service of the Reichswerke during World War II.[12][19][20]

Just after Carol fell from power in 1940, Malaxa was briefly imprisoned on charges that he had resorted to extortion in previous years.[13] He had financed the activities of all political parties, including the Romanian far right Iron Guard organization as early as the mid-1930s,[9][21] and especially throughout the National Legionary State the latter established.[22] During the Rebellion and Pogrom it provoked in January 1941, the Guard made use of arms manufactured by Malaxa, as well of his house (turned into a citadel and attacked by the Romanian Army)[9][23] — he was consequently put on trial by Ion Antonescu’s government.[23]

In February 1945, several months after the royal coup which toppled Antonescu, and following the start of Soviet occupation, his Bucharest factories were at the center of mysterious and violent events.[24] At the time, independent Premier Nicolae Rădescu had come into conflict with the rising Romanian Communist Party, and his frequent speeches to his supporters were disrupted by organized workers.[24] This occurred in Malaxa’s plant, and the incident ended with shots being fired and several people killed.[24] The Communist Party claimed that they had been targeted by the Army, acting on orders from Rădescu, despite the fact that bullets recovered from the bodies were not of the kind used by the military.[24] Aggravated by another of Rădescu’s addresses, in which he deemed Communists “foreigners without God or a nation”, the crisis ended with the appointment of a new cabinet endorsed by the Communist Party and the Soviet Union and presided by Ploughmen’s Front leader Petru Groza.[24]

Malaxa used his opportunity to flee after being sent on an economic mission by King Michael, and settled in New York City, where his family joined him after being expelled by the Groza government.[12] Malaxa and his son Constantin (1922–1999) had their Romanian citizenship revoked in by the Communist regime in 1948.[25] In May of that year, he met with the ousted Nicolae Rădescu, and financed him money to start issuing an anti-communist magazine titled Luceafărul (of which philosopher Mircea Eliade was editor).[26]

Alongside accusations involving his endorsement of the Iron Guard, it was alleged that he had been collaborating with the Romanian Communist Party during his last years in Romania. In a CIA report from January 1953 he was labelled a “financial shark,” a “slippery fence rider, who plays both ends against the middle for personal reasons,” and “the most perfidious man in Romania.”[27]”

Oricum, mult prea bogată biografia sa. Poate i s-o face dreptate, cândva.